Why is seduction often committed by male perpetrators
Temporary emergency jurisdiction A. Notice; opportunity to be heard; joinder A. Simultaneous proceedings A. Inconvenient forum A.
Jurisdiction declined by reason of conduct A. Information to be submitted to court A. Appearance of parties and child Article 3. Enforcement A. Enforcement under Hague Convention A. Duty to enforce A. Temporary visitation A. Registration of child custody determination A.
Enforcement of registered determination A. Expedited enforcement of child custody determination A. Service of petition and order A. Hearing and order A.
Warrant to take physical custody of child A. Costs, fees and expenses A. Recognition and enforcement A.
Appeals A. Role of district attorney and Attorney General A. Role of law enforcement officers A. Costs and expenses Article 4. Miscellaneous Provisions A. Application and construction Chapter B. Obligation of Support General Provisions B. Recovery by parent with physical custody from other parent B. Amount of payment: Definitions; adjustment of presumptive maximum amount based on change in Consumer Price Index B. Amount of payment: Determination B. Review and modification of order for support: Request for review; jurisdiction; notification of right to request review Chapter C.
Custody and Visitation Custody of Children C. State policy C. Parents have joint custody until otherwise ordered by court C. Joint legal custody C. Joint physical custody C. Best interests of child: Primary physical custody; presumptions; child born out of wedlock C. Best interests of child: Joint physical custody; preferences; presumptions when court determines parent or person seeking custody is perpetrator of domestic violence or has committed act of abduction against child or any other child C.
Award of custody to person other than parent C. Court orders; modification or termination of orders; form for orders; court may order parent to post bond if parent resides in or has significant commitments in foreign country C. Plan for carrying out court's order; access to child's records C.
Order for production of child before court; determinations concerning physical custody of child C. Consent required from non-relocating parent to relocate child when joint physical custody established; petition for primary physical custody; attorney's fees and costs C.
Petition for permission to relocate; factors to be weighed by court C. Unlawful relocation with child; attorney's fees and costs Miscellaneous Provisions C.
Consent required from noncustodial parent to remove child from State; permission from court; change of custody C. Child conceived as result of sexual assault: Rights of natural father convicted of sexual assault; rights when father is spouse of victim; rebuttable presumption upon divorce C.
Presumptions concerning custody and visitation when parent of child is convicted of first degree murder of other parent of child C. Presumption concerning custody when court determines that parent or other person seeking custody of child is perpetrator of domestic violence Visitation C.
Order awarding visitation rights must define rights with particularity and specify habitual residence of child C. Rights of noncustodial parent: Additional visits to compensate for wrongful deprivation of right to visit C.
Imprisonment for contempt for failure to comply with judgment ordering additional visit C. Imprisonment for contempt: Violation of condition; failure to return when required C. Petition for right of visitation for certain relatives and other persons Title Procedure in Criminal Cases Chapter Limitations for felonies Limitations for gross and simple misdemeanors Investigation of Suspected Criminal Activity; Detention of Suspects Peace officer to submit written report concerning suspected acts of domestic violence; information from reports to be aggregated and forwarded to Central Repository; content of report Arrest: By Whom and How Made Arrest required for suspected battery constituting domestic violence; exceptions.
Title Surrender of firearms after conviction Chapter General Provisions Classification of crimes Categories and punishment of felonies Punishment of gross misdemeanors Punishment of misdemeanors Chapter Crimes Against the Person Kidnapping: Degrees Kidnapping in first degree: Penalties Kidnapping in second degree: Penalties Detention, concealment or removal of child from person having lawful custody or from jurisdiction of court: Penalties; limitation on issuance of arrest warrant; restitution; exceptions Sexual Assault and Seduction: Definitions Sexual assault: Definition; penalties Sexual assault of spouse by spouse Court may impose temporary or extended order to restrict conduct of alleged perpetrator, defendant or convicted person; penalty for violation of order; dissemination of order; notice provided in order Petitioner for order: Deferment of costs and fees; free information concerning order; no fee for serving order Order to be transmitted to law enforcement agencies; enforcement Victim to be given certain information and documents concerning case; clerk to keep record of order or condition restricting conduct of defendant False Imprisonment: Definition; penalties Assault: Definitions; penalties Battery: Definitions; penalties Battery which constitutes domestic violence: Penalties; referring child for counseling; restriction against dismissal, probation and suspension; definitions Harassment: Definition; penalties Stalking: Definitions; penalties Where offense committed Peering, peeping or spying through window, door or other opening of dwelling of another; penalties Capturing image of private area of another person; distributing, disclosing, displaying, transmitting or publishing image of private area of another person; penalties; exceptions; confidentiality of image Unlawful dissemination of intimate image; exceptions; penalty Chapter Confiscation and disposition of dangerous weapons by law enforcement agencies Ownership or possession of firearm by certain persons prohibited; penalties Chapter Personating another Miscellaneous Crimes Miscellaneous Coercion Title They also contradict standard assumptions and cultural scripts about male aggression and female passivity.
Cindy Struckman-Johnson, a psychology professor at the University of South Dakota, has studied male victims of sexual assault since Studies showing widespread sexual coercion and assault by women against men, on college campuses and elsewhere, have trickled in consistently for decades, but they haven't entered the public discussion of sexual violence, she explains.
They just can't put it together. Even after decades of feminist activism, many discussions of sexual violence still center on telling women to stay sober and be cautious around men. The ideas behind that advice—the image of men's sexual desires as constant and all-consuming and of women as the gatekeepers to sex—also makes it impossible for many people to imagine men as victims.
If men are always seeking sex, and frequently shot down by disinterested women, then they should be grateful—or at least not traumatized—by any kind of sexual attention from a woman. Taking sexual coercion against men seriously gives us even more reason to fight against those stereotypes.
Assumptions about male and female sexuality are deeply engrained in the way with think about sexual encounters. Research consistently shows that Americans are more likely to find coercion of men by women acceptable, compared with the reverse. We're also more apt to label an incident of heterosexual sex as rape if it involves a male aggressor and female victim, perhaps in part because men are seen as more threatening.
In some cases, people code coercive behaviors by men as aggressive but coercion by women as romantic and seductive. News reports and training programs on sexual assault may acknowledge that it's possible for men to be victims, but they typically focus almost entirely on male-on-female assaults rather than the reverse.
But, if dismissing sexual assaults against men goes against the evidence, assuming that their experiences are the same as women's does too. While coercion and assault are surprisingly common experiences for college men, they're still much more common for college women. A study that Struckman-Johnson led found that 58 percent of college men had been pressured for sex after saying no since age 16 , but for women that rate was 78 percent.
Women also typically use less violent tactics than men to push for sex. The paper, which considered "post-refusal tactics" including repeated touching, emotional manipulation, intoxication, and violence, found that 22 percent of women and nine percent of men had been physically restrained by a member of the other gender demanding sex. In this sample, 55 percent of the female victims reported having physical force used against them, compared with 10 percent of the men.
Among the men's descriptions is one of a woman who "came over out of the blue just to talk. She started getting fresh, I pushed her off times. I said no and told her I didn't want to do it with her. I gave in. End of story.
A third wrote: "She layed on top of me when I was drunk and took my clothing off and went to work. Men who experience sexual assault or other violence by intimate partners are less likely than women to report the incidents to the police. They frequently think no one will believe a woman sexually assaulted them, are embarrassed at not being able to fend off an attack by a woman, or harbor fears of being perceived as "gay" or not masculine for not wanting to have sex, Struckman-Johnson suggests.
The reported effects of coercive experiences are also markedly different for men than women on average. More than a quarter of the male students in the survey said they had good or very good experiences with the sex despite their initial refusals, while none of the women did. Another 27 percent of the men called the experience bad or very bad, compared with 88 percent of the women.
Only 22 percent of men reported bad long-term effects, compared with 78 percent of the women. Some of the difference in long-term trauma may be related to the lower levels of serious violence faced by the men, but there's also evidence that men may not always give accurate accounts of the impact of sexual coercion on their lives. Particularly when women are the perpetrators, assumptions about appropriate gender roles may make them less likely to acknowledge lasting effects.
The literature suggests that around one in five men who are sexually coerced experience long-term effects. For those who do, the fallout can be serious, including symptoms of post-traumatic stress. The negative effects are particularly common in cases where older women take advantage of teenage boys, especially when alcohol is involved.
0コメント